Miyaoka, Isao

写真a

Affiliation

Faculty of Law, Department of Political Science (Mita)

Position

Professor

E-mail Address

E-mail address

Related Websites

External Links

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  • ・このサイトでは、代表的な業績のみ掲載しています。
     より詳細な研究業績リストについては、
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    ・法学研究科において安全保障論を学んでみたい方は、
     上述の研究会サイトをご覧になるとともに、
     ぜひメールで事前にご相談ください。

Profile Summary 【 Display / hide

  • I am conducting research on Japanese and American security policy as well as their alliance relationship from the perspectives of international relations theory.

Career 【 Display / hide

  • 2012.04
    -
    Present

    Keio University, Faculty of Law, Professor

  • 2010.04
    -
    2012.03

    Keio University, Faculty of Law, Associate Professor

  • 2007.10
    -
    2010.03

    Osaka University, Osaka School of International Public Policy, Associate Professor

  • 2006.01
    -
    2006.12

    George Washington University, Sigur Center for Asian Studies, Visiting Fellow

  • 2001.04
    -
    2007.09

    Osaka University of Foreign Studies, Department of International Studies, Associate Professor

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Academic Background 【 Display / hide

  • 1999.03

    University of Oxford, Faculty of Social Studies, Sub-Faculty of Politics

    United Kingdom, Graduate School, Completed, Doctoral course

  • 1994.02

    University of Canterbury, Department of Political Science

    New Zealand, Graduate School, Completed, Master's course

  • 1990.03

    Keio University, Faculty of Laws, Department of Political Science

    University, Graduated

Academic Degrees 【 Display / hide

  • D.Phil., University of Oxford, United Kingdom, Coursework, 1999.05

  • M.A. Honours, University of Canterbury, New Zealand, Coursework, 1994.05

 

Research Areas 【 Display / hide

  • International relations (International Relations)

Research Keywords 【 Display / hide

  • Security Studies

  • Theory of International Politics

Research Themes 【 Display / hide

  • U.S. nuclear strategy in the first half of the Cold War, 

    2021.01
    -
    Present

  • A single-authored textbook on security studies, 

    2016.08
    -
    Present

 

Books 【 Display / hide

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Papers 【 Display / hide

  • "The Diffusion of Military Technology to Allies: British and Japanese Emulation of the Joint Information System of the U.S. Armed Forces"

    MIYAOKA Isao

    International Relations  ( 179 ) 69 - 82 2015.02

    Research paper (scientific journal), Single Work

     View Summary

     Since the Gulf War, the United States has built up a joint information system, which is interoperable among the military services--the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marine Corps. The application of information technology to the military system has contributed to maintain the prominent position of the United States in international politics. According to Kenneth Waltz’s theory, however, the United States cannot sit on its laurels. His balance-of-power theory leads us to expect states to emulate the successful policies of others.
     João Resende-Santos has developed a “neorealist theory of emulation.” This theory contains two noteworthy points. First, the timing, speed, and scale of military emulation vary in accordance with the level of threat in the surrounding security environment. Second, when the option of relying on the capabilities of other states through alliance formation (external balancing) is available, the perception of reduced threat weakens the timing, speed, and scale of military emulation. In other words, emulation, as well as innovation, is regarded as one form of arms buildup relying on one’s own capabilities (internal balancing).
     However, is the level of threat in the surrounding security environment a really decisive factor of emulation? Do the timing, speed, and scale of military imitation vary with the region of the world? Moreover, don’t states emulate others for the formation and strengthening of an alliance? By verifying these questions, it is possible to contribute theoretically to research on the international diffusion of military technology and ideas, especially the diffusion of information revolution in military affairs, on which little research has been conducted.
     This article attempts to refute Resende-Santos’ arguments, by analyzing the diffusion of the joint information system of the U.S. Armed Forces to two allies, the United Kingdom and Japan. As a result of this analysis, I make two points. First, even in regions where the levels of threat in the surrounding security environment are different, the military emulation of similar timing, speed, and scale may occur. Second, states emulate others not only for their own military buildup but also for the enhancement of their alliance through ensuring interoperability.
     The body of this article is divided into three sections. First, I describe the development of the joint information systems in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Japan during the post-Cold War period. Second, I suggest the diffusion of the joint information system from the United States to the other two countries and present a framework for analyzing emulation, a concept that is similar to but different from diffusion. Third, I consider the emulation of the U.S. military system by the United Kingdom and Japan in more detail.

    Full Text PDF

  • "Soft Power Based on Military Force: A Case Study of the Nye Initiative"

    MIYAOKA Isao

    The Journal of International Security (Japan Association for International Security (JAIS))  39 ( 4 ) 50 - 65 2012.03

    Research paper (scientific journal), Single Work, Except for reviews

  • "Japan’s Dual Security Identity: A Non-Combat Military Role as an Enabler of Coexistence"

    MIYAOKA Isao

    International Studies (New Delhi) 48 ( 3&4 ) 237 - 255 2011

    Research paper (scientific journal), Single Work, Accepted

     View Summary

    Since the end of the Cold War, Japan’s acceptance and institutionalization of a non-combat military role to aid the US has led to its new identity as a US ally and has transformed the content of its ‘peace state’ identity. It is this role that has made these two identities more compatible. This article first attempts to measure the long-term shift in Japan’s two identities by conducting a content analysis of Japan’s Defence White Papers and then seeks to trace the formation process of Japan’s dual security identity through which it accepted and institutionalized a non-combat military role. For this analysis, the process is divided into three stages: the Cold War period when its two identities as a ‘peace state’ and a US ally were considered incompatible, the period of the 1990s when Japan started to accept and institutionalized a non-combat military role, and the period after 11 September 2001 when Japan’s dual security identity gradually got established. In the final section, the article discusses the source of a security identity shift in Japan and draws some implications for the future of its security policy.

    Miyaoka 2013 Japans Dual Security Identity

  • “Changes in Japan’s State Identities: A Computer-Assisted Content Analysis of Defense White Papers”

    MIYAOKA Isao

    Bulletin of Asia-Pacific Studies (Kansai Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies)   ( 18 ) 103 - -20 2009.07

    (MISC)Research paper, Single Work, Except for reviews

     View Summary

    In this article, the author analyzes the changing perception held by Japanese policymakers regarding Japan’s state identities, by conducting a computer-assisted content analysis of the Defense White Papers published annually between 1976 and 2006. The KH Coder, a computer program, assigns a particular code to a sentence if the sentence includes all or part of the words associated to the code. Then, it calculates a ratio of the identically coded sentences in the designated entire text for each year. The author also attempts to capture the discursive logic of the official reports about the roots of Japan’s identities and their policy implications, by carrying out cognitive mapping.
     The codes that appear frequently in the editions published during the Cold War period are “Member of the West” (nishigawa no ichiin) and “Economic Power” (keizai taikoku). The appearance ratios of the former code are high in the texts of the 1980s. The perception of Japan as a “Member of the West” seems to have been affected by that of the Soviet Union as a military threat. On the other hand, the rise of Japan and the decline of the United States in the economic field seem to have strengthened the perception of Japan as an “Economic Power” since the late 1970s. In the 1980s, both of the self-definitions were used to emphasize the necessity of defense build-up in Japan.
     The appearance ratios of the code “Peace-Loving Nation” (heiwa kokka) are stable in the entire period under study. This identity seems to have derived from the constitutional resolution of never repeating the horrors of war. In the late 1970s and the late 1980s, the self-description of Japan as such was linked to the need to strengthen Japan’s non-military international contributions. After the end of the Cold War, however, this identity became increasingly more compatible with military means as long as they are not related to combat.
     The Defense White Papers published during the Cold War Period avoid the use of the term “alliance” (dômeikoku). By contrast, the frequency ratio of this code is in the general trend of increase in the 1990s and peaked at 2006 when Japan and the United States reached an agreement on the force posture realignment of U.S. Forces in Japan. Instability in the Asia-Pacific region and the global war on terrorism seem to have enhanced Japan’s collective identity with the United States and then have led to such new missions of the Japan Self Defense Forces (JSDF) as international peace cooperation activities and response to unstable situations in areas surrounding Japan.
     As a result of the content analysis explained above, this article makes three arguments. First, after the end of the Cold War, the alliance with the United States replaced its two other identities, a member of the West and an economic power. The perception of Japan as a peace-loving nation was stable, although its meaning was changing slowly. Second, important sources of identity transformation include: 1) changes in the distribution of material capabilities among states, 2) the occurrence of major wars, terrorist activities, and international crises, and 3) a stronger sense of common values and stronger expectations of burden sharing from the United States, which result from factors 1) and 2). Third, changes in Japan’s state identities affected a shift of policy emphasis from defense build-up to the expansion of the JSDF’s missions beyond homeland defense.

  • “The OSCE as a School of Norms: Legalization of the Democratic Control of Armed Forces in the Former Soviet States”

    MIYAOKA Isao

    International Relations (The Japan Association of International Relations)   ( 144 ) 16 - 31 2006.02

    Research paper (scientific journal), Single Work, Accepted

     View Summary

    The existing literature argues that NATO membership has been an effective incentive for the democratic control of armed forces (DCAF) in post-communist Europe. It also points out considerable delay in establishing DCAF in the countries that are not likely to be candidates for NATO membership in the near future: typically, the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries (the former Soviet states excluding the three Baltic countries). On the other hand, the literature pays little attention to the role of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in this area.
     This article argues that norm setting and the international promotion of norm implementation on the OSCE platform have contributed to the domestic legalization of DCAF in the CIS states. In this argument, the OSCE is regarded, not as teacher or nanny of norms (independent actor in international politics), but as a school of norms (site or process of norm teaching). This is a case illustrating the Constructivist functions of the OSCE process to re-constitute the “democratic state” at the international level by adding a DCAF element to democracy, and then literally to constitute the legal constitutions of the former communist countries.
     The main body of this article is divided into four sections. The first section outlines the DCAF regime developed at the OSCE, which consists of the two Documents of the Copenhagen and Moscow Meetings of the Conference of the Human Dimension (1990 and 1991) and the Code of Conduct on Politico-Military Aspects of Security (1994).
     In the next two sections, I analyze norm setting and the promotion of norm implementation within the OSCE framework respectively. Legitimization based on OSCE principles, politically binding nature, and the consensus rule are three basic features of OSCE norm setting. Its activities to promote the implementation of the DCAF regime include follow-up conferences, information exchange, seminars, and comments on constitutional drafts and bills. I also identify teachers and students of the DCAF regime.
     Fourthly, this article examines the impact of the OSCE process on national legislation in the CIS region. The DCAF norms, especially democratic decision on the use of force, the political neutrality of armed forces, and a ban on irregular forces, influenced the CIS constitutions adopted or amended nearly one year after the adoption of the OSCE Code of Conduct in December 1994. At the law level, the CIS countries have enacted some or all of the laws on defense, the state of emergency, mobilization, military service, alternative service, and the status of persons since 1994.

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Papers, etc., Registered in KOARA 【 Display / hide

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Reviews, Commentaries, etc. 【 Display / hide

  • "Theories of Foreign Policy Change and Leader Personality" (in Japanese)

    MIYAOKA Isao

    Kokusaianzenhoshô (The Journal of International Security) 46 ( 1 ) 1 - 13 2018.06

    Introduction and explanation (scientific journal), Single Work

  • 「トランプ米政権の安全保障政策―日米同盟への含意」

    宮岡 勲

    『世界平和研究』  ( 215 ) 29 - 38 2017.11

    Meeting report etc., Single Work

  • 「OSCEの『安全保障の政治・軍事的側面に関する行動規約』―軍の民主的統制・使用に関する国際規範を中心に」

    宮岡 勲

    『大阪外国語大学論集』  ( 32 ) 165 - 181 2006.02

    Introduction and explanation (bulletin of university, research institution), Single Work

  • “Japan's Global Environmental Policy in the Late 1980s and Early 1990s: Changing from an Eco-Outlaw to a Green Contributor.”

    MIYAOKA Isao

    Social Science Japan  ( 16 ) 7 - 10 1999

    Introduction and explanation (bulletin of university, research institution)

    PDF1

Presentations 【 Display / hide

  • 「安全保障研究におけるリアリズムの研究動向」

    宮岡 勲

    2018年度年次大会 部会⑥リアリズムと安全保障研究 (青山学院大学・青山キャンパス) , 2018.12, Oral Presentation(guest/special), 国際安全保障学会

     View Summary

     本報告では、安全保障研究におけるリアリズムの位置づけの変遷について大まかな傾向を指摘してみたい。第一に、リアリズムが安全保障研究で本格的にとりあげられるようになるのは、ネオリアリズムが登場した後の1980年代になってからである。50年代半ばから60年代の半ばにかけて、いわゆる「黄金期」を迎えた戦略研究は、第二次世界大戦後に主要な国際関係理論となったリアリズムの国際政治観を土台にしていた。しかし、この時期の戦略研究では、核抑止などの特定の問題に焦点を当てた中範囲理論が中心であって、より一般的な国際関係理論が明示的に用いられることはあまりなかった。また、その後1970年代の半ばに復興した安全保障研究でも当初はその傾向が続いた。この研究領域を牽引してきた学術雑誌International Security(以下『IS』と略記)には、政策問題を扱う論文が多く、あまり理論的な論文は少なかった。しかし、それが80年代になると、防御的リアリズムの攻撃・防御バランスの問題を扱う論文が目立つようになった。
     第二に、欧米全体の安全保障研究においては、冷戦終結後に理論の多様化が進み、リアリズムの独占的な地位は過去のものになった。アメリカの伝統的な安全保障研究でも、リアリズムに加え、リベラリズムや穏健なコンストラクティビズムの議論も盛んになった。また、安全保障概念の拡大・深化を求める声とともに、非伝統的な安全保障研究がヨーロッパを中心に独自の発展を遂げた 。ここで「拡大」とは安全保障の問題を軍事以外の側面(経済・環境など)に広げることであり、また、「深化」とは安全保障の対象を国家以外のレベル(個人・社会など)に深めることを意味している 。そして、拡大・深化アプローチ自体が多様であり、そこには、批判的コンストラクティビズム、ポスト植民地主義、人間の安全保障論、批判的安全保障研究、フェミニズム、コペンハーゲン学派、およびポスト構造主義が含まれている。
     第三に、アメリカの伝統的な安全保障研究では、リアリズムは第1理論の座を占め続けている。「教育、研究、および国際政策(TRIP)」プロジェクトの雑誌論文データベースによれば、『IS』に掲載されたリアリズムの論文は、90年代と10年代で約2割を占めている(1980-89年10.09%; 1990-99年19.49%; 2000-09年14.61%; 2010-14年20.42%)。ほかにもリベラリズムやコンストラクティビズムに関する論文も増えているが、リアリズムには到底及ばないのである(2010-14年リベラリズム8.45%; Constructivist 5.63%)。

  • 「国際関係理論史の視点から」

    宮岡 勲

    2018 年度研究大会 部会8国際政治学における『イズム』思考の再検討(ラウンドテーブル) (大宮ソニックシティ) , 2018.11, Oral Presentation(guest/special), 日本国際政治学会

  • 「9/11同時多発テロ事件以降の米国における安全保障論の研究動向」

    MIYAOKA Isao

    2013年度春季研究大会 (國學院大學院友会館) , 2013.05, Oral Presentation(general), 日本防衛学会

  • 「貿易政策の国際政治的要因―覇権、同盟、および制度―」

    MIYAOKA Isao

    2012年度研究大会 (武蔵野大学有明キャンパス) , 2012.06, Oral Presentation(general), 慶應法学会

  • 「リアリズムとコンストラクティビズムの同盟論からの日米安保対体制の一考察」

    MIYAOKA Isao

    2010年度研究大会 (慶應義塾大学日吉キャンパス) , 2010.12, Oral Presentation(general), 国際安全保障学会

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Research Projects of Competitive Funds, etc. 【 Display / hide

  • "Conditions of Conventional Deterrence Failure: Implications for Japan’s Security Policy"

    2017.02
    -
    2018.01

    櫻田会, Aid for Political Research, Research grant

  • “A Survey on Security Studies (2001-present) in the United States”

    2012.02
    -
    2013.01

    櫻田会, Aid for Political Research, Research grant

  • "The Diffusion of U.S. Force Transformation to Allies in the Post-Cold War Period: Comparative Study of the U.K., Australia, and Japan"

    2009.04
    -
    2013.03

    Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research, Research grant

  • "The Post-Cold War Evolution of the U.S.-Japan Alliance toward a Security Community: From the Perspective of American Elites"

    2009.02
    -
    2009.04

    Japan Scholar Award, Research grant

  • "Collective Identity Formation in the U.S.-Japan Alliance in the Post-Cold War Period: From the Perspective of American Elites"

    2006.01
    -
    2006.12

    Abe Fellowship, Research grant

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Courses Taught 【 Display / hide

  • SPECIAL COLLOQUIUM ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

    2021

  • SEMINAR (DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE) 4

    2021

  • SEMINAR (DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE) 3

    2021

  • SEMINAR (DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE) 2

    2021

  • SEMINAR (DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE) 1

    2021

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Courses Previously Taught 【 Display / hide

  • 国際政治論特殊演習

    法学研究科, 2018, Autumn Semester

  • 国際政治論特殊研究

    法学研究科, 2018

  • 国際政治理論特殊研究

    法学部, 2018

  • 政治学基礎

    法学部, 2018

  • 国際政治基礎

    法学部, 2018

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Educational Activities and Special Notes 【 Display / hide

  • 学生による授業評価アンケート

    2010
    -
    Present

    , Device of Educational Contents

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    〈学生による授業評価アンケート〉集計結果(2010年度、2012年度~2017年度、2020年度)、法学部・FD授業評価実施委員会

  • 研究会課外活動:米海軍兵学校士官候補生との交流

    2016
    -
    Present

    , Special Affairs

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    三田キャンパスで実施(2016年度~2019年度)
    中止(2020年度)

  • 研究会課外活動:自衛隊部隊見学

    2010.04
    -
    Present

    , Special Affairs

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    横須賀基地(2010年度、2014年度、2017年度)、百里基地(2011年度)、観艦式(2012年度)、朝霞駐屯地(2013年度、2018年度)、横田基地(2015年度)、市ヶ谷地区(2016年度)、入間基地(2019年度)、中止(2020年度)
    協力:自衛隊東京地方協力本部

  • Participation in the annual Teachers’ Workshop of the Philip Merrill Center for Strategic Studies, Johns Hopkins University,

    2009.06

    , Special Affairs

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    Held at the Basin Harbor Club in Vergennes, Vermont, U.S.A. (June 8-12, 2009).

  • 研究会課外活動:防衛大学校主催の学生シンポジウムに参加

    2009.04
    -
    Present

    , Special Affairs

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    複数の大学間でのゼミ対抗討論会(2009年度~)
    中止(2020年度)

 

Memberships in Academic Societies 【 Display / hide

  • The Japan Association of International Relations, 

    1998.05
    -
    Present
  • Japan Association for International Security, 

    2004.12
    -
    Present
  • Japan Society for Defense Studies, 

    2011.10
    -
    Present

Committee Experiences 【 Display / hide

  • 2018.07
    -
    2020.06

    書評小委員会委員長, 日本国際政治学会

  • 2015.06
    -
    Present

    理事, 日本防衛学会

  • 2012.11
    -
    2014.06

    書評小委員会委員, 日本国際政治学会

  • 2012.04
    -
    2015.03

    『国際安全保障』編集委員会委員, 国際安全保障学会

  • 2012.04
    -
    2014.03

    監事, 日本防衛学会

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