粕谷 祐子 (カスヤ ユウコ)

Kasuya, Yuko

写真a

所属(所属キャンパス)

法学部 政治学科 (三田)

職名

教授

HP

総合紹介 【 表示 / 非表示

  • 比較政治学(比較地域研究)、政治制度、比較大統領制、比較政党政治、 フィリピン政治

学歴 【 表示 / 非表示

  • 2005年

    University of California, San Diego, Graduate School of InternationalRelations and Pacific Studies

    アメリカ合衆国, 大学院, 修了, 博士

  • 1994年04月
    -
    1996年09月

    東京大学, 法学政治学研究科, M.A. in Development Studies

    オランダ王国, 大学院, 単位取得退学, 博士

  • 1992年09月
    -
    1994年03月

    Institute of Social Studies, M.A. in Development Studies, Public Policy and Administration

    オランダ王国, 大学院, 修了

  • 1986年04月
    -
    1991年03月

    慶應義塾大学, 法学部, 政治学科

    大学, 卒業

学位 【 表示 / 非表示

  • 博士, University of California, San Diego, 課程, 2005年12月

 

研究分野 【 表示 / 非表示

  • 人文・社会 / 政治学

 

著書 【 表示 / 非表示

  • Legislative malapportionment in Asia

    Kasuya Y., Kamahara Y., Building Inclusive Democracies in ASEAN, 2018年01月

     概要を見る

    Legislative malapportionment refers to the disparity in the number of registered voters across districts. This is an aspect of the electoral system that concerns not only democracies but also autocracies with regularly held elections. In this regard, this study is not about making democracies more inclusive, but about making an institution associated with democratic politics more inclusive in both democratic and authoritarian regimes in Asia. Malapportionment is a common problem in many legislative elections. If a country uses an electoral formula with a single nationwide district, there is no malapportionment; in this instance, the country has a perfectly apportioned electoral system. By contrast, in a malapportioned system, the votes of some citizens residing in certain geographic areas carry more weight than the votes of citizens in other areas within the same country. Among the world’s electoral systems, only a few nations (e.g., Israel, Namibia, and Sierra Leone) have a single nationwide constituency, and most countries that delimit their constituencies have some degree of malapportionment.

  • 翻訳『社会科学のためのデータ分析入門』

    粕谷 祐子, 岩波書店, 2018年

  • 慶應義塾大学法学部創設 125 年記念 講演集

    粕谷 祐子, 慶應大学出版会, 2016年

    担当範囲: 民主主義と独裁の歴史的起源−東南アジアを中心に

  • Information Governance in Japan: Toward a New Comparative Paradigm

    粕谷 祐子, Stanford New Japan Project, 2016年

  • アカウンタビリティ改革の政治学

    粕谷 祐子, 岩波書店, 2015年

    担当範囲: 情報公開法成立の比較政治学

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論文 【 表示 / 非表示

  • Resisting autocratization: the protest–repression nexus in Hong Kong's Anti-ELAB Movement

    Tung H.H., Kasuya Y.

    Japanese Journal of Political Science (Japanese Journal of Political Science)  22 ( 4 ) 193 - 197 2021年12月

    ISSN  14681099

     概要を見る

    This introductory essay outlines the core themes of the special issue on the rise and fall of Hong Kong's Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement. In the essay, we highlight several theoretical and empirical contributions the featured papers make to our understanding of the protest–repression nexus from the onset of the movement to the imposition of the National Security Law. First, we describe the political and social contexts of the movement. Second, we present our empirical findings on Hong Kongers' political preferences. Finally, we highlight new research avenues arising from this special issue.

  • Malapportionment in space and time: Decompose it!

    Kamahara Y., Wada J., Kasuya Y.

    Electoral Studies (Electoral Studies)  71 2021年06月

    ISSN  02613794

     概要を見る

    Existing studies on legislative malapportionment often conceptualize and measure this phenomenon with little regard to intertemporal variations and the malapportionment-generating process (MGP). Our conceptualization leads us to introduce a measure called α-divergence that can identify the vote inequality derived from various stages of MGP. Using an originally created database that covers 440 elections in 112 countries, we decompose the overall degree of malapportionment into three stages: malapportionment that arises at the stages of interstate apportionment, intrastate districting, and allotment of seats to special districts. We also provide analyses that can decompose the demographic and political factors contributing to the trends of the overall degree of malapportionment for selected countries.

  • Re-examining thresholds of continuous democracy measures

    Kasuya Y., Mori K.

    Contemporary Politics (Contemporary Politics)  2021年

    ISSN  13569775

     概要を見る

    Scholars frequently dichotomize continuous measures of democracy by setting a regime cut-off. However, such cut-offs often lack theoretical or empirical justifications, making the resulting classifications difficult to interpret conceptually. We investigate this challenge involving three major continuous democracy measures: the Freedom House score (FH), the Polity score, and the Regime of the World (RoW) that is based on the V-Dem's Electoral Democracy Index (EDI). We develop a framework to empirically derive thresholds using categorical democracy measures as benchmarks. Our analyses find that the cut-offs that yield the highest consistency with the classifications of BMR, CGV, and GWF are 3.5 for FH, 5 for Polity and 0.39 for EDI/RoW. These levels are lower than the conventional cut-offs, implying less demanding democratic standards. Consequently, the conventional cut-offs (2.5 for FH, 6 for Polity and 0.5 for EDI/RoW) endeavour to reflect more stringent standards of democracy than what these dichotomous measures employ.

  • The 2019 midterm elections in the Philippines: Party system pathologies and Duterte’s populist mobilization

    Teehankee J.C., Kasuya Y.

    Asian Journal of Comparative Politics (Asian Journal of Comparative Politics)  5 ( 1 ) 69 - 81 2020年03月

    ISSN  20578911

     概要を見る

    The May 13, 2019 midterm elections were generally seen as a referendum on the first three years of the presidency of Rodrigo R Duterte. The elections tested and consolidated the political strength of Duterte as the country’s populist strongman president. Most of the national and local candidates he endorsed won their contests for the 18,066 national and local positions. The election also resulted in a victory for the administration’s nine senatorial candidates (out of 12 seats) and a majority of its governors, mayors, and local legislators. The results follow the historical patterns of midterm elections in the post-authoritarian period. But unlike previous Philippine presidents, Duterte did not personally endeavor to consolidate his political support under his dominant party solely through the systematic mobilization of patronage. Duterte eschewed patronage-based political party building in favor of populist mobilization or the rallying of mass supporters toward contentious political action with minimum institutional intermediation. With a record high trust rating, Duterte was not only an active endorser of candidates, but he was also both a staunch defender of his allies and a relentless attacker of the opposition. In the end, the biggest winners in the 2019 midterm elections were not the candidates but Duterte himself.

  • Duterte presidency and the 2019 midterm election: An anarchy of parties?

    Kasuya Y., Teehankee J.C.

    Philippine Political Science Journal (Philippine Political Science Journal)  41 ( 12 ) 106 - 126 2020年

    ISSN  01154451

     概要を見る

    In this article, we argue that a consequence of Duterte's presidency is the further weakening of the party system in the Philippines, or the emergence of "anarchy of parties." Traditionally, Philippine presidents used their power of patronage in a quidpro-quo manner vis-A-vis the legislators to achieve presidents' goals, and this executivelegislative transaction was coordinated mainly through the president's party. However, evidence suggests that Duterte bypassed Congress to achieve his policies by riding on his popularity and did not have to use his power of pork to co-opt politicians. As a result, the president's party decreased its value as a coordination device for congressional affairs and party nominations at elections. Consequently, what we observe is an anarchy of parties where inter-party competition has become even more fluid and fragmented than before the Duterte presidency. We provide corroborative evidence to support our claim by mainly focusing on the 2019 midterm elections.

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KOARA(リポジトリ)収録論文等 【 表示 / 非表示

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総説・解説等 【 表示 / 非表示

  • The transformation of dominant parties in Asia: Introduction to the special issue

    Kasuya Y., Sawasdee S.

    Asian Journal of Comparative Politics (Asian Journal of Comparative Politics)  4 ( 1 ) 3 - 7 2019年03月

    ISSN  20578911

     概要を見る

    © The Author(s) 2019. Dominant political parties have been the subject of study since the 1950s. As they have emerged both in democracies and non-democracies, they have become an intriguing research theme for scholars who study politics in a variety of world regions. This introductory note to the special issue on the transformation of dominant parties in Asia first reviews how “dominant parties” are defined by scholars who study this subject. Then, it turns to a discussion of the existing research on dominant parties and analyzes how scholars have examined the question of how they emerge and are sustained. Lastly, the articles included in this special issue are introduced.

研究発表 【 表示 / 非表示

  • The Historical Origins of Long-Surviving Military Regimes: the Mode of Decolonization, Legitimacy Advantage, and Path Dependency

    粕谷 祐子

    European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) General Conference (Hamburg, Germany) , 

    2018年08月

    シンポジウム・ワークショップ パネル(指名), German Institute of Global and Area Studies

  • Conditions of Successful Communist Movements in Asia: A Qualitative Comparative Analysis

    粕谷 祐子

    European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) General Conference (Hamburg, Germany) , 

    2018年08月

    シンポジウム・ワークショップ パネル(指名), German Institute of Global and Area Studies

  • Regime Divergence at the Time of Decolonization in Asia: A Framework for Analyses

    粕谷 祐子

    European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) General Conference (Hamburg, Germany) , 

    2018年08月

    シンポジウム・ワークショップ パネル(指名), German Institute of Global and Area Studies

  • 現代東南アジア比較政治研究の新潮流

    粕谷 祐子

    比較政治・地域研究の新潮流―主題、方法、言語, 

    2017年01月

    シンポジウム・ワークショップ パネル(指名)

  • アジア比較政治と地域研究の間:比較政治体制論の可能性

    粕谷 祐子

    日本比較政治学会 (成蹊大学) , 

    2017年

    口頭発表(一般)

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競争的研究費の研究課題 【 表示 / 非表示

  • 民主主義指標の統合ならびに潜在的概念構造の分析

    2021年04月
    -
    2025年03月

    文部科学省・日本学術振興会, 科学研究費助成事業, 粕谷 祐子, 基盤研究(C), 補助金,  研究代表者

  • アジアにおける独裁と民主主義の歴史的起源

    2018年04月
    -
    2021年03月

    文部科学省・日本学術振興会, 科学研究費助成事業, 粕谷 祐子, 基盤研究(B), 補助金,  研究代表者

  • 一票の格差に関する包括的研究 : 世界の現状・原因・帰結

    2014年04月
    -
    2017年03月

    文部科学省・日本学術振興会, 科学研究費助成事業, 粕谷 祐子, 基盤研究(B), 補助金,  研究代表者

     研究概要を見る

    本研究では、議会選挙における一票の格差に関し、3つの柱を立てて研究を行った。第1は,世界の一票の格差の現状を示すデータベースの作成である。これは,140カ国の最近の下院選挙を対象に,いくつかの指標をもとにした測定を行った。第2は,一票の格差が起こる要因についての検討である。これについては,多国間比較データベースを用い,民主主義の程度と一票の格差の程度の間には逆U字の関係があることを示した。第3の柱は,格差の帰結に関する検討である。例えばブラジルの場合では過大代表されている地域の方が経済が停滞すること,マレーシアでは競合的権威主義のもとで与党の権力維持に寄与し民主化を阻害していることを示した。

 

担当授業科目 【 表示 / 非表示

  • 比較地域研究論特殊研究Ⅰ

    2022年度

  • 演習Ⅰ

    2022年度

  • 研究会(政治学科)Ⅳ

    2022年度

  • 研究会(政治学科)Ⅲ

    2022年度

  • 研究会(政治学科)Ⅱ

    2022年度

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所属学協会 【 表示 / 非表示

  • 日本政治学会

     
  • 比較政治学会

     
  • American Political Science Association

     
  • International Political Science Association

     

委員歴 【 表示 / 非表示

  • 2018年10月
    -
    継続中

    Book Review Editor, Japanese Journal of Political Science

  • 2018年07月
    -
    2020年07月

    Vice President, International Political Science Association

  • 2016年10月
    -
    継続中

    理事, 日本政治学会

  • 2016年10月
    -
    2018年10月

    Editor-in-Chief, Japanese Political Science Review

  • 2016年07月
    -
    継続中

    Board Member, International Political Science Review

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