粕谷 祐子 (カスヤ ユウコ)

Kasuya, Yuko

写真a

所属(所属キャンパス)

法学部 政治学科 (三田)

職名

教授

HP

総合紹介 【 表示 / 非表示

  • 比較政治学(比較地域研究)、政治制度、比較大統領制、比較政党政治、 フィリピン政治

学歴 【 表示 / 非表示

  • 2005年

    University of California, San Diego, Graduate School of InternationalRelations and Pacific Studies

    アメリカ合衆国, 大学院, 修了, 博士

  • 1994年04月
    -
    1996年09月

    東京大学, 法学政治学研究科, M.A. in Development Studies

    オランダ王国, 大学院, 単位取得退学, 博士

  • 1992年09月
    -
    1994年03月

    Institute of Social Studies, M.A. in Development Studies, Public Policy and Administration

    オランダ王国, 大学院, 修了

  • 1986年04月
    -
    1991年03月

    慶應義塾大学, 法学部, 政治学科

    大学, 卒業

学位 【 表示 / 非表示

  • 博士, University of California, San Diego, 課程, 2005年12月

 

研究分野 【 表示 / 非表示

  • 人文・社会 / 政治学

 

著書 【 表示 / 非表示

  • Legislative malapportionment in Asia

    Kasuya Y., Kamahara Y., Building Inclusive Democracies in ASEAN, 2018年01月

     概要を見る

    Legislative malapportionment refers to the disparity in the number of registered voters across districts. This is an aspect of the electoral system that concerns not only democracies but also autocracies with regularly held elections. In this regard, this study is not about making democracies more inclusive, but about making an institution associated with democratic politics more inclusive in both democratic and authoritarian regimes in Asia. Malapportionment is a common problem in many legislative elections. If a country uses an electoral formula with a single nationwide district, there is no malapportionment; in this instance, the country has a perfectly apportioned electoral system. By contrast, in a malapportioned system, the votes of some citizens residing in certain geographic areas carry more weight than the votes of citizens in other areas within the same country. Among the world’s electoral systems, only a few nations (e.g., Israel, Namibia, and Sierra Leone) have a single nationwide constituency, and most countries that delimit their constituencies have some degree of malapportionment.

  • 翻訳『社会科学のためのデータ分析入門』

    粕谷 祐子, 岩波書店, 2018年

  • 慶應義塾大学法学部創設 125 年記念 講演集

    粕谷 祐子, 慶應大学出版会, 2016年

    担当範囲: 民主主義と独裁の歴史的起源−東南アジアを中心に

  • Information Governance in Japan: Toward a New Comparative Paradigm

    粕谷 祐子, Stanford New Japan Project, 2016年

  • アカウンタビリティ改革の政治学

    粕谷 祐子, 岩波書店, 2015年

    担当範囲: 情報公開法成立の比較政治学

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論文 【 表示 / 非表示

  • The Perils of Parliamentarism: Executive Selection Systems and Democratic Transitions from Electoral Authoritarianism

    Higashijima M., Kasuya Y.

    Studies in Comparative International Development (Studies in Comparative International Development)  57 ( 2 ) 198 - 220 2022年06月

    ISSN  00393606

     概要を見る

    Why are some electoral authoritarian regimes immune to democratization for decades while others not? This article explores the impact of executive selection systems on democratic transitions from electoral authoritarianism. We argue that under electoral authoritarian regimes, Parliament-based systems permit dictators to more effectively deter democratization compared to Presidential systems. This is because Parliament-based systems indirectly allow electoral manipulation to achieve a victory at the ballot box, such as through gerrymandering and malapportionment. Parliament-based systems also make it difficult for opposition parties to coordinate and incentivize autocrats and ruling elites to engage in power-sharing and thus institutionalize ruling parties. We test our hypothesis as well as the underlying mechanisms employing a dataset of 93 electoral authoritarian countries between 1946 and 2012. Cross-national statistical analyses with instrumental variables estimation provide supporting evidence for our theory.

  • Voters’ perceptions and evaluations of dynastic politics in Japan

    Miwa H., Kasuya Y., Ono Y.

    Asian Journal of Comparative Politics (Asian Journal of Comparative Politics)  2022年

    ISSN  20578911

     概要を見る

    Political family dynasties are a staple part of Japanese politics. According to one study, Japan has the fourth highest number of dynastic politicians among democratic countries, after Thailand, the Philippines, and Iceland. As a result, many scholars have qualitatively studied how these political families are born and managed. In contrast to the wealth of qualitative studies on this subject, however, few quantitative studies on Japanese political dynasties focus on how voters view them. To understand this question, we conducted two nation-wide surveys. Our major findings are that while the majority of respondents dislike dynastic candidates, they also value certain attributes of those candidates, such as their political networks, their potential for ministerial appointments, and their ability to bring pork projects to their constituencies. These results fill a gap in benchmark information on dynastic politics in Japan and are a departure from existing studies that show Japanese voters are neutral regarding whether a candidate is from a dynastic family in voting decisions.

  • The shift to consensus democracy and limits of institutional design in Asia

    Kasuya Y., Reilly B.

    Pacific Review (Pacific Review)  2022年

    ISSN  09512748

     概要を見る

    A ‘majoritarian turn’ identified by scholars of Asian democracy in the 1990s saw the rise of mixed-member majoritarian electoral systems and more centripetal party competition across both Northeast and Southeast Asia. In this paper, we argue that since the 2000s, the institutional pendulum has shifted, with more consensual approaches to democracy appearing to better represent key identity cleavages of gender, ethnicity, and territory—a trend evident not just in East Asia but South Asia as well. This new ‘Asian model’ typically involves increasing the proportional components of existing electoral formulas and grafting gender quotas, multiethnic party lists, and quasi-federal elements onto ostensibly majoritarian state structures. We show that these reforms have, as intended, mostly increased female and ethnic minority representation and decentralized governance structures. At the same time, however, these de jure changes are not associated with de facto political development in terms of greater democratic quality, counter to theoretical expectations. Indeed, democracy has declined across most of Asia at the same time as its democratic institutions have become more consensual.

  • Is the justice frame effective in mobilizing support for human rights violations? Evidence from the Philippines

    Calimbahin C.A.A., Kasuya Y., Miwa H.

    Asian Affairs(UK) (Asian Affairs(UK))  2022年

    ISSN  00927678

     概要を見る

    Effective message framing motivates individuals to act for and defend human rights. What effective message framing motivates individuals to defend human rights? Recent experiment-based framing studies show that personal frames are more successful than informational or motivational frames in increasing the advocacy activities of human rights organizations. This study tested the justice frame using the Philippine case of extrajudicial executions. Employing internet-based survey experiments, we tested the effects of the justice frame on consensus and action mobilizations as well as the three frames mentioned above. Our results showed that combining justice and the personal frame is more effective. We also examined emotions inflicted by framing. Our results reveal an association between empathy and anger as a reaction that connects exposure to personal frame and mobilization.

  • Democratic backsliding in the Philippines: Are voters becoming illiberal?

    Kasuya Y., Calimbahin C.A.A.

    Asian Journal of Comparative Politics (Asian Journal of Comparative Politics)  2022年

    ISSN  20578911

     概要を見る

    Democratic backsliding by incumbents is one of the most prevalent forms of backsliding in recent global trends of democratic erosion. Understanding the attitude of voters toward backsliding incumbents is crucial because popular support is the basis of legitimacy for these incumbents. This article studies voter attitudes in the Philippines, where democracy was subverted by the incumbent president, Rodrigo Duterte, who served from 2016 to 2022. Specifically, we examine the validity of the claim that Filipino voters are acquiring a “taste for illiberal rule” made by some scholars. First, we analyzed the survey data regarding the support for various types of political systems, where part of the data comes from our originally commissioned survey at the Social Weather Stations. Second, we explored Pulse Asia's longitudinal survey data on martial-rule support. Our investigation of these survey data did not find substantive support for the “taste for illiberal rule” proposition. Further, we argue that Filipino voters are contingent supporters of illiberal politics while supporting the procedural principles of democracy at the baseline.

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総説・解説等 【 表示 / 非表示

  • The transformation of dominant parties in Asia: Introduction to the special issue

    Kasuya Y., Sawasdee S.

    Asian Journal of Comparative Politics (Asian Journal of Comparative Politics)  4 ( 1 ) 3 - 7 2019年03月

    ISSN  20578911

     概要を見る

    © The Author(s) 2019. Dominant political parties have been the subject of study since the 1950s. As they have emerged both in democracies and non-democracies, they have become an intriguing research theme for scholars who study politics in a variety of world regions. This introductory note to the special issue on the transformation of dominant parties in Asia first reviews how “dominant parties” are defined by scholars who study this subject. Then, it turns to a discussion of the existing research on dominant parties and analyzes how scholars have examined the question of how they emerge and are sustained. Lastly, the articles included in this special issue are introduced.

研究発表 【 表示 / 非表示

  • The Historical Origins of Long-Surviving Military Regimes: the Mode of Decolonization, Legitimacy Advantage, and Path Dependency

    粕谷 祐子

    European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) General Conference (Hamburg, Germany) , 

    2018年08月

    シンポジウム・ワークショップ パネル(指名), German Institute of Global and Area Studies

  • Conditions of Successful Communist Movements in Asia: A Qualitative Comparative Analysis

    粕谷 祐子

    European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) General Conference (Hamburg, Germany) , 

    2018年08月

    シンポジウム・ワークショップ パネル(指名), German Institute of Global and Area Studies

  • Regime Divergence at the Time of Decolonization in Asia: A Framework for Analyses

    粕谷 祐子

    European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) General Conference (Hamburg, Germany) , 

    2018年08月

    シンポジウム・ワークショップ パネル(指名), German Institute of Global and Area Studies

  • 現代東南アジア比較政治研究の新潮流

    粕谷 祐子

    比較政治・地域研究の新潮流―主題、方法、言語, 

    2017年01月

    シンポジウム・ワークショップ パネル(指名)

  • アジア比較政治と地域研究の間:比較政治体制論の可能性

    粕谷 祐子

    日本比較政治学会 (成蹊大学) , 

    2017年

    口頭発表(一般)

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競争的研究費の研究課題 【 表示 / 非表示

  • 民主主義指標の統合ならびに潜在的概念構造の分析

    2021年04月
    -
    2025年03月

    文部科学省・日本学術振興会, 科学研究費助成事業, 粕谷 祐子, 基盤研究(C), 補助金,  研究代表者

  • アジアにおける独裁と民主主義の歴史的起源

    2018年04月
    -
    2021年03月

    文部科学省・日本学術振興会, 科学研究費助成事業, 粕谷 祐子, 基盤研究(B), 補助金,  研究代表者

  • 一票の格差に関する包括的研究 : 世界の現状・原因・帰結

    2014年04月
    -
    2017年03月

    文部科学省・日本学術振興会, 科学研究費助成事業, 粕谷 祐子, 基盤研究(B), 補助金,  研究代表者

     研究概要を見る

    本研究では、議会選挙における一票の格差に関し、3つの柱を立てて研究を行った。第1は,世界の一票の格差の現状を示すデータベースの作成である。これは,140カ国の最近の下院選挙を対象に,いくつかの指標をもとにした測定を行った。第2は,一票の格差が起こる要因についての検討である。これについては,多国間比較データベースを用い,民主主義の程度と一票の格差の程度の間には逆U字の関係があることを示した。第3の柱は,格差の帰結に関する検討である。例えばブラジルの場合では過大代表されている地域の方が経済が停滞すること,マレーシアでは競合的権威主義のもとで与党の権力維持に寄与し民主化を阻害していることを示した。

 

担当授業科目 【 表示 / 非表示

  • 比較地域研究論特殊研究Ⅰ

    2023年度

  • 演習Ⅱ

    2023年度

  • 演習Ⅰ

    2023年度

  • 研究会(政治学科)Ⅳ

    2023年度

  • 研究会(政治学科)Ⅲ

    2023年度

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所属学協会 【 表示 / 非表示

  • 日本政治学会

     
  • 比較政治学会

     
  • American Political Science Association

     
  • International Political Science Association

     

委員歴 【 表示 / 非表示

  • 2022年06月
    -
    2024年06月

    会長, 日本比較政治学会

  • 2019年12月
    -
    継続中

    V-Dem East Asia Regional Center , Director

  • 2018年10月
    -
    継続中

    Book Review Editor, Japanese Journal of Political Science

  • 2018年07月
    -
    2020年07月

    Vice President, International Political Science Association

  • 2016年10月
    -
    2020年09月

    理事, 日本政治学会

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