Kasuya, Yuko

写真a

Affiliation

Faculty of Law, Department of Political Science (Mita)

Position

Professor

Related Websites

Profile Summary 【 Display / hide

  • 比較政治学(比較地域研究)、政治制度、比較大統領制、比較政党政治、 フィリピン政治

Academic Background 【 Display / hide

  • 2005

    University of California, San Diego, Graduate School of InternationalRelations and Pacific Studies

    United States, Graduate School, Completed, Doctoral course

  • 1994.04
    -
    1996.09

    東京大学, 法学政治学研究科, M.A. in Development Studies

    Netherlands, Graduate School, Withdrawal after completion of doctoral course requirements, Doctoral course

  • 1992.09
    -
    1994.03

    Institute of Social Studies, M.A. in Development Studies, Public Policy and Administration

    Netherlands, Graduate School, Completed

  • 1986.04
    -
    1991.03

    Keio University, Faculty of Law, Department of Political Science

    University, Graduated

Academic Degrees 【 Display / hide

  • Ph.D., University of California, San Diego, Coursework, 2005.12

 

Research Areas 【 Display / hide

  • Humanities & Social Sciences / Politics

 

Books 【 Display / hide

  • Legislative malapportionment in Asia

    Kasuya Y., Kamahara Y., Building Inclusive Democracies in ASEAN, 2018.01

     View Summary

    Legislative malapportionment refers to the disparity in the number of registered voters across districts. This is an aspect of the electoral system that concerns not only democracies but also autocracies with regularly held elections. In this regard, this study is not about making democracies more inclusive, but about making an institution associated with democratic politics more inclusive in both democratic and authoritarian regimes in Asia. Malapportionment is a common problem in many legislative elections. If a country uses an electoral formula with a single nationwide district, there is no malapportionment; in this instance, the country has a perfectly apportioned electoral system. By contrast, in a malapportioned system, the votes of some citizens residing in certain geographic areas carry more weight than the votes of citizens in other areas within the same country. Among the world’s electoral systems, only a few nations (e.g., Israel, Namibia, and Sierra Leone) have a single nationwide constituency, and most countries that delimit their constituencies have some degree of malapportionment.

  • 翻訳『社会科学のためのデータ分析入門』

    KASUYA Yuko, 岩波書店, 2018

  • 慶應義塾大学法学部創設 125 年記念 講演集

    KASUYA Yuko, 慶應大学出版会, 2016

    Scope: 民主主義と独裁の歴史的起源−東南アジアを中心に

  • Information Governance in Japan: Toward a New Comparative Paradigm

    KASUYA Yuko, Stanford New Japan Project, 2016

  • アカウンタビリティ改革の政治学

    KASUYA Yuko, 岩波書店, 2015

    Scope: 情報公開法成立の比較政治学

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Papers 【 Display / hide

  • Resisting autocratization: the protest–repression nexus in Hong Kong's Anti-ELAB Movement

    Tung H.H., Kasuya Y.

    Japanese Journal of Political Science (Japanese Journal of Political Science)  22 ( 4 ) 193 - 197 2021.12

    ISSN  14681099

     View Summary

    This introductory essay outlines the core themes of the special issue on the rise and fall of Hong Kong's Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement. In the essay, we highlight several theoretical and empirical contributions the featured papers make to our understanding of the protest–repression nexus from the onset of the movement to the imposition of the National Security Law. First, we describe the political and social contexts of the movement. Second, we present our empirical findings on Hong Kongers' political preferences. Finally, we highlight new research avenues arising from this special issue.

  • Malapportionment in space and time: Decompose it!

    Kamahara Y., Wada J., Kasuya Y.

    Electoral Studies (Electoral Studies)  71 2021.06

    ISSN  02613794

     View Summary

    Existing studies on legislative malapportionment often conceptualize and measure this phenomenon with little regard to intertemporal variations and the malapportionment-generating process (MGP). Our conceptualization leads us to introduce a measure called α-divergence that can identify the vote inequality derived from various stages of MGP. Using an originally created database that covers 440 elections in 112 countries, we decompose the overall degree of malapportionment into three stages: malapportionment that arises at the stages of interstate apportionment, intrastate districting, and allotment of seats to special districts. We also provide analyses that can decompose the demographic and political factors contributing to the trends of the overall degree of malapportionment for selected countries.

  • Re-examining thresholds of continuous democracy measures

    Kasuya Y., Mori K.

    Contemporary Politics (Contemporary Politics)   2021

    ISSN  13569775

     View Summary

    Scholars frequently dichotomize continuous measures of democracy by setting a regime cut-off. However, such cut-offs often lack theoretical or empirical justifications, making the resulting classifications difficult to interpret conceptually. We investigate this challenge involving three major continuous democracy measures: the Freedom House score (FH), the Polity score, and the Regime of the World (RoW) that is based on the V-Dem's Electoral Democracy Index (EDI). We develop a framework to empirically derive thresholds using categorical democracy measures as benchmarks. Our analyses find that the cut-offs that yield the highest consistency with the classifications of BMR, CGV, and GWF are 3.5 for FH, 5 for Polity and 0.39 for EDI/RoW. These levels are lower than the conventional cut-offs, implying less demanding democratic standards. Consequently, the conventional cut-offs (2.5 for FH, 6 for Polity and 0.5 for EDI/RoW) endeavour to reflect more stringent standards of democracy than what these dichotomous measures employ.

  • The 2019 midterm elections in the Philippines: Party system pathologies and Duterte’s populist mobilization

    Teehankee J.C., Kasuya Y.

    Asian Journal of Comparative Politics (Asian Journal of Comparative Politics)  5 ( 1 ) 69 - 81 2020.03

    ISSN  20578911

     View Summary

    The May 13, 2019 midterm elections were generally seen as a referendum on the first three years of the presidency of Rodrigo R Duterte. The elections tested and consolidated the political strength of Duterte as the country’s populist strongman president. Most of the national and local candidates he endorsed won their contests for the 18,066 national and local positions. The election also resulted in a victory for the administration’s nine senatorial candidates (out of 12 seats) and a majority of its governors, mayors, and local legislators. The results follow the historical patterns of midterm elections in the post-authoritarian period. But unlike previous Philippine presidents, Duterte did not personally endeavor to consolidate his political support under his dominant party solely through the systematic mobilization of patronage. Duterte eschewed patronage-based political party building in favor of populist mobilization or the rallying of mass supporters toward contentious political action with minimum institutional intermediation. With a record high trust rating, Duterte was not only an active endorser of candidates, but he was also both a staunch defender of his allies and a relentless attacker of the opposition. In the end, the biggest winners in the 2019 midterm elections were not the candidates but Duterte himself.

  • Duterte presidency and the 2019 midterm election: An anarchy of parties?

    Kasuya Y., Teehankee J.C.

    Philippine Political Science Journal (Philippine Political Science Journal)  41 ( 12 ) 106 - 126 2020

    ISSN  01154451

     View Summary

    In this article, we argue that a consequence of Duterte's presidency is the further weakening of the party system in the Philippines, or the emergence of "anarchy of parties." Traditionally, Philippine presidents used their power of patronage in a quidpro-quo manner vis-A-vis the legislators to achieve presidents' goals, and this executivelegislative transaction was coordinated mainly through the president's party. However, evidence suggests that Duterte bypassed Congress to achieve his policies by riding on his popularity and did not have to use his power of pork to co-opt politicians. As a result, the president's party decreased its value as a coordination device for congressional affairs and party nominations at elections. Consequently, what we observe is an anarchy of parties where inter-party competition has become even more fluid and fragmented than before the Duterte presidency. We provide corroborative evidence to support our claim by mainly focusing on the 2019 midterm elections.

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Papers, etc., Registered in KOARA 【 Display / hide

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Reviews, Commentaries, etc. 【 Display / hide

  • The transformation of dominant parties in Asia: Introduction to the special issue

    Kasuya Y., Sawasdee S.

    Asian Journal of Comparative Politics (Asian Journal of Comparative Politics)  4 ( 1 ) 3 - 7 2019.03

    ISSN  20578911

     View Summary

    © The Author(s) 2019. Dominant political parties have been the subject of study since the 1950s. As they have emerged both in democracies and non-democracies, they have become an intriguing research theme for scholars who study politics in a variety of world regions. This introductory note to the special issue on the transformation of dominant parties in Asia first reviews how “dominant parties” are defined by scholars who study this subject. Then, it turns to a discussion of the existing research on dominant parties and analyzes how scholars have examined the question of how they emerge and are sustained. Lastly, the articles included in this special issue are introduced.

Presentations 【 Display / hide

  • The Historical Origins of Long-Surviving Military Regimes: the Mode of Decolonization, Legitimacy Advantage, and Path Dependency

    KASUYA Yuko

    European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) General Conference (Hamburg, Germany) , 

    2018.08

    Symposium, workshop panel (nominated), German Institute of Global and Area Studies

  • Regime Divergence at the Time of Decolonization in Asia: A Framework for Analyses

    KASUYA Yuko

    European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) General Conference (Hamburg, Germany) , 

    2018.08

    Symposium, workshop panel (nominated), German Institute of Global and Area Studies

  • Conditions of Successful Communist Movements in Asia: A Qualitative Comparative Analysis

    KASUYA Yuko

    European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) General Conference (Hamburg, Germany) , 

    2018.08

    Symposium, workshop panel (nominated), German Institute of Global and Area Studies

  • 現代東南アジア比較政治研究の新潮流

    KASUYA Yuko

    比較政治・地域研究の新潮流―主題、方法、言語, 

    2017.01

    Symposium, workshop panel (nominated)

  • アジア比較政治と地域研究の間:比較政治体制論の可能性

    KASUYA Yuko

    日本比較政治学会 (成蹊大学) , 

    2017

    Oral presentation (general)

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Research Projects of Competitive Funds, etc. 【 Display / hide

  • 民主主義指標の統合ならびに潜在的概念構造の分析

    2021.04
    -
    2025.03

    MEXT,JSPS, Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research, Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (C), Principal investigator

  • The Historical Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy in Asia

    2018.04
    -
    2021.03

    MEXT,JSPS, Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research, Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (B), Principal investigator

  • A Comprehensive Analysis of Malapportionment around the World: Situation, Causes, and Consequences

    2014.04
    -
    2017.03

    MEXT,JSPS, Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research, Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (B), Principal investigator

     View Summary

    This project analyses the situation, causes, and consequences of legislative malapportionment around the world. It has three research components: (1) measuring the degree of malapportionment, (2) investigating the causes of malapportionment, and (3) analyzing the its consequences. The first part yielded the database that compiles the degree of lower chamber malapportionment for 140 countries. Several papers were written on the causes of malapportionemnt. The main findings are that the degree of malapportionment increases as the electoral competition becomes more competitive, and decreases as the degree of executive constraints (such as the presence of independent judiciary). As for the consequences, members of this project found that malapportionment harms economic development of overrepresented districts in the case of Brazil. In the context of electoral authoritarianism, it reduces the electoral violence.

 

Courses Taught 【 Display / hide

  • SPECIAL STUDY OF COMPARATIVE AREA STUDIES 1

    2022

  • SEMINAR 1

    2022

  • SEMINAR (DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE) 4

    2022

  • SEMINAR (DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE) 3

    2022

  • SEMINAR (DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE) 2

    2022

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Memberships in Academic Societies 【 Display / hide

  • 日本政治学会

     
  • 比較政治学会

     
  • American Political Science Association

     
  • International Political Science Association

     

Committee Experiences 【 Display / hide

  • 2018.10
    -
    Present

    Book Review Editor, Japanese Journal of Political Science

  • 2018.07
    -
    2020.07

    Vice President, International Political Science Association

  • 2016.10
    -
    Present

    理事, 日本政治学会

  • 2016.10
    -
    2018.10

    Editor-in-Chief, Japanese Political Science Review

  • 2016.07
    -
    Present

    Board Member, International Political Science Review

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